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in entire public policy debates, present "language crisis" argue hearts on offers to define a problem in characteristic and strategic ways. Political scientist Frank Fischer explains that participants in plan debates use rhetorical strategies "to characterize a social position in a large part namely favours [sic] one's own argument and way of action as being in the public amuse". While a national security language policy namely still being shaped, with the alteration in presidential ministries taking area and several legislative propositions awaiting action by congressional subcommittees, allied officials apt this point have defined the nation's language and its language problems in a way that directs care and resources toward naval and Ed Hardy comprehension operations. English savants need to understand how this social situation has been portrayed in array to redirect public consideration and funding toward additional language needs in U.S. society.The DoD and related federal agencies, such as the Department of Homeland Security, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), came to see diplomatic language education as a significant citizen security care afterward September 11, 2 001. Inquiries into the gangster activities of September 11 led to suggestions that the federal government's not enough language resources had endowed to its inability to expect and discourage the bombards. Several administration reports [link widoczny dla zalogowanych], including those resulting from inquiries by the 9/11 Commission, warned that the military and intelligence communities did not have ample linguists and translators on staff to sustain a full-scale counterterrorism exertion (Nad. Commission 78, 92). The U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO) similarly found that, by the FBI, "deficits of language-proficient staff have resulted in the accumulation of thousands of hours of audiotapes and pages of writing matter that have not been reiterated or translated" (14). In this same January 2002 report, the GAO concluded that the Army did not have "the linguistic capacity to support 2 concurrent major cinemas of combat, as planners require" (15). From the outlook of these neutral reviewers, the federal administration had granted this "language crisis" to emerge by defect to appraise either its language capabilities and its language needs in the midst of one erratic multinational security surroundings.The DoD leadership identified three primary causes guiding to this national security "language crisis." First, several DoD self-studies revealed that a restricted understanding of "language skills" and "language needs" has long been ingrained in U.S. military culture. In the 2004 National Security Strategy report, DoD officials eminent that in many examples, U.S. Combatant Commanders consider approximately the military's language needs solely in terms of the Ed Hardy linguists who translate intelligence-related texts. These officers, the report concluded, "lack understanding of the multiple dimensions of language capability" that they could deploy when maneuvering and executing military operations.2 Moreover, U.S. directive buildings have been based on a deep-rooted prejudice in the military mores that does not regard language competencies as "warfighting skills" (U.S. Dept. of Defense, Defense 2005, 3). This lack of understanding and this bias have led to language skills and cultural learning not being listed as important qualifications as officers assigned to Combatant Commanders' staffs; in turn, the military has not prioritized language training in its officer exercising programs. Equally as meaningful, Combatant Commanders have ignored opportunities to join to their planning staffs those workers who already clutch relevant language abilities [link widoczny dla zalogowanych], especially Foreign Area Officers, who possess a distinctive medley of combat skills; deep wisdom of a region's culture, politics, and economics; and progressive proficiency in speaking, listening, and perusing